Ryszard Zieba-European Security and Defence Identity. The polish Viewpoint,

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Ryszard Ziêba
European Security and Defence Identity.
The Polish Viewpoint
The Meaning of the European Security and Defence Identity
The most popular interpretation of the European Security and
Defence Identity (ESDI) limits the scope of this concept to the
so-called European pillar of NATO. However, we should bear in
mind that the idea of European identity as regards security and
defence not only featured prominently in debates on how to reform
the North Atlantic Alliance and revitalise the Western European
Union, but also contributed to the process of European integration
within the framework of the EU. The functional approach, which
marked the integration process and was reflected in the legal
solutions incorporated in the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties,
is based on the assumption that security and defence cooperation
will gradually eradicate the differences between the national
interests of the member states. Both Treaties provided for
cooperation between more than just the fifteen member states.
Hence, there is scope for convergence of essential national interests
in the domain of security and defence, as well as the economy.
1
The
European Union may build this political union through gradual,
step-wise unification of security and defence policies. This is not an
easy task, but the process of creating such a union is already under
way. The second pillar of the European Union does not have a
1
U. Nerlich, “La défense commune de l’Europe et ses interactions avec l’OTAN,
l’OSCE et les Nations unies” [in:] L. Martin, J. Roper (eds.),
Vers une politique de
défense commune,
Paris 1995, p. 105; A.J.K. Bailes, “European Defence: What Are
the ‘Convergence Criteria?”,
RUSI Journal
1999, No. 3, p. 64-65.
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strictly international character. It features certain solutions
connected with the community approach (the role of the
Commission, the European Parliament, the Western European
Union).
2
Supporters of the EU argue that the European integration
process may be successful and irreversible if it is extended to
encompass security and defence issues. The EU member states
have common interests in these areas, and these interests represent
values crucial to the national interests of EU member states and the
EU as a whole.
In the methodology of social sciences, identity is a value that
embodies the high-level needs of any individual, by which he can be
distinguished from other individuals. In the case of aggregate
individuals (consisting of many individuals), identity is constituted
by common values created by factors that attract the attention of the
given agreegate’s members and differentiate them from others. This
identity is engendered by participation in international alliances.
Identity signifies specificity and is the opposite of antinomy. Just as
cultural identity differentiates cultures and languages differentiate
people
—
2
For more information see: J. Monar, “The European Union’s Foreign Affairs
System after the Treaty of Amsterdam: a ‘Strengthened Capacity for External
Action?”,
European Foreign Affairs Review
1997, No. 4, p. 413-436; B. Soetendorp,
“Foreign Policy in the European Union: Theory, History and Practice”, London
1999, p. 68-82; F. Cameron, “Building a Common Foreign Policy: Do Institutions
Matter?” [in:] J. Paterson, H. Sjursen (eds.),
A Common Foreign Policy for Europe?:
Competing Visions of the CFSP,
London 1998, p. 68-76; K. A. Eliassen (ed.),
Foreign
and Security Policy in the European Union,
London 1998; S. Nuttall,
European
Foreign Policy,
Oxford 2000.
3
Cf. J. Bially Matteern, “Taking Identity Seriously”
, Cooperation and Conflict
2000,
No. 3, p. 299-308; M. C. Williams, “Identity and the Politics of Security”
,
European Journal of International Relations
1998, No. 2, p. 204-225.
184
the identity of security needs and interests differentiates the
policies of states and international communities.
3
The analysis of the European Security and Defence Identity
should start with the definition of this concept. If we set aside the
“bureaucratic approach” (which reduces it to a political category in
the language of NATO bureaucrats and documents), we will
discover that we need a new working definition of the concept,
appropriate to the subject of our analysis.
The identity of any individual object defines its specific, unique
character. So, what are the special features denoted by the concept
of the ESDI? In our investigation we will focus on the three main
aspects of the ESDI: the subject (Whose security and defence is in
Ryszard Ziêba
question?); the object (What does the ESDI mean? What are the
resources? What is the essence of the identity?); and the institutions
(What is the framework within which the identity is being built?).
As André Dumoulin correctly pointed out, the European
identity as regards security and defence is closely related to what
360 million Europeans want to retain, preserve and defend. The
author, like many others, asks what the security and defence policy
of the expanding European Union
—
should be.
4
The concept of the European Security
and Defence Identity (ESDI) belongs to Europe, or rather to the
European Union as a player on the international scene; this means
that the European Union is the subject of the ESDI.
—
A. The subject
The analysis of the European Security and Defence Identity
should start with the question, whose identity it is that the term
signifies. Since identity is always connected with its subject, the
first specific problem to address in the analysis is to clearly define
the subject of the ESDI.
The concept of the ESDI is the response of Western Europe
during the time of its integration to the changing conditions of
European security. It entails the creation of an autonomous system
of security and defence, capable of acting when the USA or NATO
as a whole are unwilling to undertake a common action. It
expresses the desire to extend the European Union to a new
dimension, enabling it to play a key role on the international arena.
At the same time, it is the manifestation of the lack of trust in
American security guarantees. The implications of the ESDI have
been discussed since the mid-1980s, causing rivalry between
NATO (or rather the USA) and the European Union.
B. The object
Generally speaking, one can say that the object of the ESDI
includes common European values that are being protected; a
perception of the risk and threats; the civilian and military
capabilities at the disposal of the European security and defence
policy; and the security and defence policy pursued by Europe.
4
A. Dumoulin, “L’IESD, entre le noveau concept strategique de l’OTAN, la guerre
au Kosovo et le sommet de Cologne”,
Securité et Stratégie
1999, No. 62, p. 7.
185
the number one trade power,
the number two economic power and the top provider of aid to
other countries
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Common values
The ESDI has to do with certain common values that should be
protected by the security and defence policy. It would be difficult to
define these values precisely, since each European country has a
specific system of values that it wants to defend and develop. The
process of building a common security and defence policy is
obstructed by differences in historical experience. However, as
Václav Havel said, “Europe should rediscover its awareness and
responsibility.”
5
Common perception of risk and threats
European identity as regards security and defence is
increasingly manifested in a common perception of the challenges
and threats facing European nations and countries. This perception
is reflected in the judgements of Western European states and the
European Union. Through these judgements, Western Europe was
led to adopt the following assumptions, which motivated the ESDI
programme:
a) the security guarantees provided by the Washington Treaty
are insufficient;
b) the arms race and the disarmament of Europe have weakened
the American nuclear umbrella over Europe;
c) the Mediterranean basin has become the source of new
challenges and threats, such as the conflict in the Middle East,
terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and growing migration;
d) the international order in Europe broke down at the turn of
the 1990s and the former socialist countries became destabilised;
e) there has been an escalation of nationalism and ethnic
conflicts in the Balkans and the former Soviet-dominated
territories;
f) neo-separatist and hegemonic trends in United States foreign
policy encourage unilateral actions on the part of Washington,
without any consultations with America’s partners;
g) certain problems must be overcome to achieve further
progress in European integration.
6
5
Ibid., p. 8.
6
For more on this topic, see R. Ziêba,
Europejska To¿samoœæ Bezpieczeñstwa i
Obrony: koncepcja
—
struktura
—
funkcjonowanie,
Warsaw 2000, p. 21-46.
186
Ryszard Ziêba
Common actions to reduce risk and eliminate threats (the
security and defence policy)
Although Western Europe has not been very successful in this
area
it continues to build up a civilian and military
capability to deal with crisis situations and to defend itself. The
following trends demonstrate this development:
a) the build-up of military capability to react in situations of
conflict and crisis: the Petersburg missions of the Western European
Union and, subsequently, the European Union; the establishment of
the European military force; and numerous attempts at cooperation
in the defence industry and the procurement of arms and military
equipment;
b) the enhancement of Europe’s role in NATO and a
reinforcement of NATO itself;
c) the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy
(CFSP) of the EU, including the Common European Security and
Defence Policy (CDSDP), initiated in June 1999 and designed to
help build a common European defence capability.
—
C. The Institutions
The third aspect of the ESDI has to do with the institutional forms
supporting the European identity. The institutional framework for
the ESDI is being developed within three international structures,
established either by the Western European countries or with their
assistance. These structures are the Western European Union, NATO
and the European Union. Its latest formula
—
the Common European
was announced as an implementation
instrument within the framework of the Common Foreign and
Security Policy of the European Union. Such a broad interpretation
of the institutional framework will enable us to examine the entire
development and evolution of the ESDI.
Most researchers fail to define the ESDI and to link it to any
specific international institution; they prefer to speak vaguely of a
term or concept related to the security and defence interests of the
European states, members of NATO, the WEU and the European
Union. Such an approach assumesas a given a certain internal
coherence of the above-mentioned international structures.
However, it is difficult to imagine that the European identity could
be built and could function effectively within NATO
—
—
a broad
187
—
as evidenced by its failure to bring peace to the former
Yugoslavia
Security and Defence Policy
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